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Notes
Note: The transliteration system in use is Western Armenian except when quoting Eastern Armenian names. Orthography is Classical (Մեսրոպեան) except when quoting Soviet/Republican material. All translations are mine unless otherwise specified.
The author would like to express his gratitude to Rouben Galichian for obtaining the images and permissions from the National Gallery of Armenia, and Megerditch Basma for scanning numerous images for me from the AGBU Nubar Library’s unique collection. Thank you to Gabriel Koureas, Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, Mary Roberts, Richard Anataramian, Gizem Tongo, David Low and Dzovinar Derderian for reading different versions of this and related texts and/or generously offering invaluable remarks and suggestions on various aspects of the work. All errors are mine alone.
While references to works of art are occasionally encountered, art criticism is not a prolific or systematic genre on the pages of the late nineteenth century Ottoman press.
For Pashalian, see M. Ishkhan, 1973, vol. 2, pp. 100-115. For collected works see L. Pashalian, 1943.
Taparig (Թափառիկ, Wanderer): one of two pseudonyms used by Pashalian, (the other being Asbed) (Ասպետ, Knight). A. Andonian, Key to Pseudonyms, handwritten note inside binding of 1891 volume of Hayrenik, AGBU Nubar Library, Paris.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
The artist signed his name Nichanian, in French (English equivalent Nshanian). Variations: “Charles Nichanian”, “Garabed Charles Nichanian”, etc.
AGBU Nubar Library, Familles – Groupes, Box no. 20.
Tbilisi, Georgia.
A Mshetsi is a native of Moush (Մուշ; Muş in present day Turkey). The suffix –tsi in both Western and Eastern Armenian confirms the provenance of a person i.e. a native of Van is a Vanetsi.
Tadron (Թատրոն, Theatre), Dec. 1899, 3rd Year, no. 2, Book 6 (Գիրք Զ); Phototype (Ֆոտոտիպ) engraver: Gnouni; insert between pp. 64-65. The mirroring of the image probably resulted from an error during the transfer process.
Daron (Taron) is the ancient Armenian name for the plain, region and ancient principality centred around Moush. See R. Hewsen, 2001a, pp. 41-58; R. Hewsen, 2001b, pp. 107-108, 203-206. The above reference reflects the Mekhitarists’ antiquarian proclivities.
Engraver: Simon Nahabedian: Keghouni, 19. Nichanian’s name as the author of the work is absent in both inaugural and first Issues: Dec. 1901.
F. Macler, 1917, p. 36.
Sh. Khachatryan, 1991, p. 27.
For the sake of brevity I shall hereafter refer to the work as Nichanian’s Wedding.
J.M. MacKenzie, 1995, pp. 43-70; E. Burke III and D. Prochaska, 2008, pp. 1-71.
See E. Zurcher, 1998, pp. 80-94; G. Libaridian, 2004, pp. 51-85; T. Akcam, 2006, pp. 35-46; R. Panossian, 2006, pp. 128-187; M.Ş. Hanioğlu, 2008, pp. 72-149.
Also known as the Constantinople or Western Armenian Realist Generation (Պոլսահայ Իրապաշտ Սերունդ); Realism, the dominant intellectual philosophy among this generation of intellectuals is often associated with the 1884 publication of the influential daily Arevelk under the editorship of Arpiarian, and the newspapers Hayrenik and Masis. See J. Etmekjian, 1964, pp. 214-238; M. Ishkhan, 1973, vol. 2, pp. 24-27.
From the Greek “πανδοχος”: H. Adjarian, 1979, vol. 4, p. 20.
Bantkhdoutioun encapsulates the phenomenon of emigration and also being in the state of a migrant, the bantoukhd. The word encompasses various aspects of the experience of the bantoukhd away from his or her homeland. Loneliness, poverty and yearning for home are constant characteristics ascribed to the bantoukhd in the nineteenth century (and earlier) Armenian imagination, usually with tragic connotations.
P. Brooks, 2005, p. 16. For French Realism, see G. Weisberg, 1982, pp. 1-18.
For “social consciousness” see R. Bezucha, 1982, pp. 1-13. For “social history of art” see T.J. Clark, 1973, pp. 9-20.
For microhistory and uses of clues and fragments, see C. Ginzburg, 2013, pp. 87-113; for biography as method in Ottoman art history see V.K. Davidian, 2014, pp. 11-44.
For “eco-systems of images” see S. Manghani, 2012, pp. 159-187.
For “triangulation”, a method that adopts different positions and different methodologies to test the veracity of these positions, and the uses of triangulation in art history see C. Schleif, 2008, 6-18.
For “thick description” see C. Geertz, 1973, pp. 3-30.
C. Schleif, 2008, p. 6. Schleif refers to this approach as “particular history”, an approach heavily informed by post-1980 feminist scholarship. See C. Schleif, 2008, pp. 17, 44 fn. 22. The usefulness of postcolonial and subaltern theory and practical applications of methodologies, “speaking back” to dominant canons in complex rather than reductive ways, are now established and provide much insight. See E. Said, 1994, pp. 230-408; G.C. Spivak, 1993, pp. 66-111.
Pashalian is unclear on whether the work was on public display or privileged access had been granted.
At present the location of the painting is unknown. I believe it is held in a private collection in the United States.
V.K. Davidian, 2014, pp. 12, 44-47.
There is a vast literature on fin-de-siècle Vienna. See C.E. Schorske, 1981; S. Beller, 2001.
See W.M.K. Shaw, 2011, pp. 11-39; M. Roberts, 2015, pp. 1-19, 129-136. Yet the narratives of nation echo even here, revealing the difficulties of unpicking through such established frames of reference.
C. Schleif, 2008, pp. 6-18; C. Geertz, 1977, pp. 480-492.
This vast and complex topic, not in the least due to the interchangeable use of “Armenia” and “Kurdistan” throughout the nineteenth century, and a blurring of boundaries between these two entities, is beyond the scope of this essay. For a summary of Kurdo-Armenian relations between the 1840s and 1890s, see S. Astourian, 2011, pp. 63-64.
A new and growing body of literature is uncomfortable with referring to the Ottoman East as “Eastern Anatolia”. See Y. Tolga Cora, Dz. Derderian and A. Sipahi (eds.), 2016 (forthcoming). I thank Dzovinar Derderian for her informed and useful comments.
Ottoman honorific.
Costikian Frères, Commissionaires, were based at “Bazar Oriental Han, 29, S”. R. Cervati, 1891, p. 492.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
S. Sourenian, 1882, Masis, no. 3318, 22 Oct. 1882.
Hraztan, Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
Father H.M., Fine Arts (Գեղարուեստք), Masis, no. 3341, 18 Nov. 1882 (signed 15 Nov.).
M. Roberts, 2015, pp. 137-138.
I have been unable to find a single mention of his name in its publications between 1907-1929.
The second is Le repos de l’odalisque, a depiction of a woman in an oriental setting, which is also undated. F. Macler, 1917, p. 37.
H. Alyanak, 1924, pp. 284-293. See G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 1, p. 140.
O. Avedissian, 1959, p. 284.
H. Turabian, 1962, p. 62. Verbatim reproduction of Macler, 1917.
Fr A. Bohdjalian, 1989, p. 192.
G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, pp. 667-671.
M. Saris 2005, p. 74.
D. Dznouni, 1977, p. 368.
Sh. Khachatryan, 1991, p. 27.
A. Aghasyan, 2009, p. 246, fn. 65. Aghasyan has based much of his extensive footnote on the artist on Macler: The footnote lists some Russian Armenian sources but in another characteristically dismissive short note Aghasyan has failed to consult any Ottoman Armenian sources.
Y. Martikyan, 1971, 1975, vol 3, 4.
See A. Shirvanzadé, Mourdj, no. 10, pp. 1439-1455; Y. Lalayan, Ardzagank, no. 123, 1897, p. 4; (former is listed in D. Dznouni, 1977, p. 368; both listed in A. Aghasyan, 2009, p. 246, fn. 65). I thank Vardan Azatyan, and especially Irina Shakhnazaryan, for kindly providing these articles.
G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, pp. 668-671.
I was allowed access to Nichanian’s paintings at the National Gallery of Armenia in July 2014.
The whereabouts of roughly half is unknown.
Macler erroneously notes Guillemet’s first name as “Émile”. F. Macler, 1917, p. 36. Also S. Sinanlar Uslu, 2010, p. 72: Nichanian is not listed as one of Guillemet’s students.
See S. Sinanlar Uslu, 2010, pp. 14, 72.
S. Germaner and Z. İnankur, 2008, p. 69. Nichanian’s name is misspelt as “Nisanciyan”.
Arpiarian’s reference suggests that Nichanian studied at the Nubar-Shahnazarian School in Khaskiough (Haskoy), which according to the newspaper Dzaghig (1892, no. 14, p. 163) had turned “Khaskiough” (Haskoy) into “the Athens of the Turkish Armenians”. See Sh. Voskanian, 2012, pp. 117-123; G. Libaridian, 2004, p. 57.
Hraztan, Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
Hostility towards artistic careers appears to cut across all Ottoman communities; for example, family opposition to the artistic career of the Ottoman Greek artist Theodoros Rallis (1852-1909) was only eased by the death of his father; See M.M. Palioura, 2014, p. 14. The dearth of Ottoman Muslim and Jewish artists in this period also signals such social or religious pressure: see W.M.K. Shaw, 2011, p. 57.
S. Sourenian,1882, Masis, no. 3318, 22 Oct. 1882.
Hraztan 1886, Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
F. Macler, 1917, pp. 36-37. Morelli was the influential director of the Academy of Fine Arts in Naples where he taught between 1868 and 1881 (W.A. Rollins, 1895, pp. 35 fn. 1, 44). Called a “warrior artist” of Italy, painting religious, mystical, oriental and exotic themes and imagery, his work has at various times been described as academic, realist, symbolist or nationalist: W.A. Rollins, 1895; I.M.M. Anderton, 1901, pp. 83-91. Nichanian would have studied under Morelli for four years. Interestingly, the Italian artist and teacher at the Fine Art School of Constantinople Leonardo de Mango (1843-1930), had also studied under Morelli and Palizzi in Naples. The two men must have known each other in Constantinople. See A. Thalasso, 1910, pp. 74-79.
Hraztan, Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
W.A. Rollins, 1895, p. 7. Reform of academic painting was not solely an Italian pre-occupation. See A. Boime, 1971.
W.A. Rollins,1895, p. 35.
Masis, no. 3345/6, 23 Nov. 1882. Sinanlar Uslu lists Nichanian at a single address for the entire period of 1882 to 1891, as corresponding to today’s 33 Mesrutiyet Caddesi (no source for the information is provided but it does correspond to fashionable Tepebaşı). She also confirms that the original building still stands. S. Sinanlar Uslu, 2010, p. 61.
R.C. Cervati, 1891, p. 559.
Arevelk, no. 2519, 17 June 1892.
G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, p. 667.
For the full length portrait of socialite Makrouhi Noradoungian see Hraztan, Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886; for the 1887 portrait of Drtad Dadian see G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, p. 669.
F. Macler, 1917, pp. 36-37. Macler’s text can only be referring to “son altesse” Ottoman statesman Mehmet Said Pasha (1830-914) also known as Küçük Said Pasha, the eight times Grand Vezir under Abdülhamid II and Mehmet V Reshad.
See Nichanian’s 1885 copy of the 1789 portrait of Boghos Andonian, Mekhitarist Collection, San Lazzaro, Venice. See G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, p. 668.
Most likely Mgrdich Djivanian (1848-1906).
See V. Rowe, 2009, pp. 37, 51.
Dussap notes the new calendar date of 30 Jan. 1882 as the closing date for the exhibition.
Sharourian’s dating of what he calls the “first Armenian exhibition in Constantinople” as Feb. 1882 is wrong. See Sharourian 1963, p. 171.
G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, pp. 677-689.
Ibid., 2004, vol. 2, pp. 778-784.
Ibid., 2004, vol. 2. pp. 762-767.
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 360-361.
Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 362-363.
See S. Dussap, Masis, no. 3100, 27 Jan. 1882. See A.S. Sharourian, 1963, p. 171. Sinanlar Uslu’s listing of Dikran Yessayan (1873-1921) as one of the artists is clearly wrong: the listed name T. Yessayan (Թ. Եսայեան) is not the artist Dikran Yessayan (Տիգրան Եսայեան), the confusion perhaps arising from the Eastern Armenian transliteration of both Թ and Տ as “T” (In Western Armenian transliteration of Տ is “D”). In any event, Dikran Yessayan would have been an infant. See S. Sinanlar Uslu, 2010, pp. 72-73.
AZKASER, Masis, no. 3197, 28 May 1882.
Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
A. Andonian, Key to Pseudonyms, 1891. See fn. 4.
Arevelk, no. 873, 29 Nov. 1886.
Ibid.
For interactions of visual and textual representations see W.J.T. Mitchell, 1994.
For mechanical reproduction, see W. Benjamin, 1999; J. Berger, 1972, p. 20; for loss of “aura” due to mechanical reproduction see W. Benjamin, 1999, pp. 211-244.
A second photographic print is held at the Archive of San Lazzaro degli Armeni, Venice. The Abbot suggested to me that the Wedding might have been published in a series of ethnographic images depicting aspects of Armenian traditions but at the date of publication I have been unable to confirm this or whether there were other images by Nichanian in such a series [Conversation with Father Yeghia Kilaghbian, Venice, 5 Sept. 2015].
The printing of images as postcards for sale was common practice: paintings by Arshag Fetvadjian (1866-1947) and Sarkis Der Azarian (1865-1915), to name but two Ottoman Armenian artists, were widely reproduced in postcard form.
The runner, probably a pile rug, has a large central medallion, common among Anatolian rugs. Nichanian’s meticulous emphasis on ethnographic detail, such as dress, jewelry and symbolic items would suggest that he would also have taken care that the rug was in keeping with the “spirit of authenticity” of the overall composition. A Moush provenance is probable: In 1806 Fr. Ghoukas Indjidjian testifies that Armenian “craftsmen (արհեստաւոր) of many types […] and who in the town and surrounding villages weave honourable carpets (գորգ պատուական), kilims (կապերտ) and embroidered footwear (գուլպայ ասուեղէն, socks)” Fr. Gh. Indjidjian, 1806, pp. 187-188. The art historian Manya Ghazarian lists Moush among carpet weaving areas: M. Ghazarian, 1988, ԻԴ, XXIV. The visible motifs point to an area of Armenian-Kurdish cultural interaction, or areas where migration from such regions had occurred: see M. Ghazarian, 1988, pp. 128, 174. The rug’s partial visibility gives the impression of a prayer rug, which while usually associated with Islam, was also common among Ottoman Armenians. For prayer rugs with Armenian inscriptions see, for example, J.M. Keshishian 1994, pp. 100-101.
See A. Badrig, 1983.
Pashalian appears to have miscounted. Unless there is another figure, visible in the actual painting that has not come through in the photograph, there are only seventeen individuals in the painting.
Translated from the Turkish nağara çekmek. I am grateful to Ani Baladian for the explanation.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
Veiling practices were tied in with the traditional practice referred to as mounch (մունջ), which literally means quiet or silent denoting the low status of a recently married young bride where among other severe restrictions imposed upon her she was also forbidden to speak. This was also referred to as the “bride swallowing her tongue” and enforced by the mother-in-law. In mostly rural societies this tradition persisted until a rise in her status especially following the birth of a son. See S. Hoogasian Villa and M. Kilbourne Matossian, 1982, pp. 92-95, 179.
This is also of provenance from the Moush and Bitlis regions. See A. Badrig, 1983.
J. Etmekjian, 1964, p. 215.
Title held by the Head of the Armenian Orthodox Church.
For brilliant analyses of Khrimian and Ottoman Armenia see: Dz. Derderian 2014, pp. 145-169; and R. Antaramian, 2014.
The sobriquet Hayrig, meaning “Little Father”, predated Khrimian’s clerical appointment, a remnant from his teaching years. Arch. M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3., col. 2972.
Bp. K. Srvantsdiants, 1978, p. 126.
See the following issues of Arevelk: 31 Aug., 5 and 25 Sept., 4 and 24 Nov., 8 Dec. 1887, (nos. 1096, 1101, 1117; 1151, 1168, 1180); 25 Jan., 18 March, 1, 13 and 27 April 1888, (nos. 1217, 1263, 1275, 1285, 1320).
Fr. Gh. Indjidjian, 1806, vol. 2, pp. 12-51; Fr. A. Devgants, 1985, pp. 43-47; Fr. Y. Devgants, 1991, p. 14; Bp. K. Srvantsdiants, 1978-1982.
R.G. Suny, 1993, p. 98.
Arabic: stranger, foreigner, away from one’s country, needy; H. Wehr, 1974, p. 668.
N. Lafi, 2011, pp. 8-25; F. Riedler, 2011, pp. 160-166.
Hayasdantsi means “a native of Hayasdan” (Armenian for Armenia) as opposed to Hay (an Armenian). In Turkish this would be translated as Ermenistanlı as opposed to Ermeni. The suffix –tsi in both Western and Eastern Armenian confirms the provenance of a person. The reference to the local is a crucial marker of identity often lost on non-Armenian speakers. See also G. Libaridian, 2004, pp. 58-63.
A native of Moush or its region (Մուշ; Muş in present day Turkey), interchangeably referred to as Darontsi (Տարօնցի) after the ancient Armenian name for the region.
A native of Van or its region (Վան), interchangeably referred to as Vasbouragantsi (Վասպուրականցի) after the ancient Armenian name for the region.
From the Arabic hamala, to carry; H. Wehr, 1974, pp. 206-207.
A Practical Suggestion, Arevelk, no. 1891, 5 May 1890.
D. Quataert, 1997, pp. 786-787; C. Clay, 1998, pp. 1-32; S. Bdeian, 1962, pp. 26-30.
A comparative study of coverage of this phenomenon within the multilingual press of the Empire would be welcome to demonstrate its respective importance across Ottoman society’s constituent parts.
G. Libaridian, 2004, p. 77.
M. Khachmerian, 1876. I thank Claire Mouradian for suggesting this work and Levon Avdoyan and Tigran Zargaryan for locating and kindly digitising a copy for my use.
M. Khachmerian, 1876, p. 8.
Ibid., pp. 9-11.
Ibid., pp. 11-15.
Ibid., 1876, pp. 15-29.
Masis, no. 3919, 28 Nov. 1888; Hrant, 1931, p. 24.
Arevelk, no. 45, 25 Feb. 1884; V.K. Davidian, 2014, p. 22.
V.K. Davidian, 2014, pp. 11-54.
Ibid., 2014, p. 21.
See for example: P. Kechian, Arevelk, no. 2260, 27 July 1891; K. Zohrab, Masis, no. 3992, 22 May 1893, pp. 306-307.
See for example: A.A. Sourenian, Dzaghig, 23 Feb. 1891, no. 24, pp. 1-2; Y. Demirdjibashian, Dzaghig, no. 25, 3 July 1893, p. 2.
Pazmaveb, Oct. 1867, no. 27, pp. 307-313.
Multidisciplinary Armenological journal published since 1843.
Arabic: “unmarried man”.
Also known as the kavor (քաւոր) or gnkahayr (կնքահայր).
Head of the azab: from the Turkish for head (başi).
Pazmaveb, Oct. 1867, no. 27, p. 308.
Ibid., p. 311.
Ibid.
See e.g. Bp. K. Srvantsdiants, 1978, vol. 1, pp. 260-273, 518-520, 529-531.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
Ibid.
See F. Riedler, 2011, pp. 160-166.
U. Makdissi, 2002, pp. 768-796; S. Deringil, 2011.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
28 July 1890 (New Calendar).
The Hnchagian Party was a socialist organization founded by Russian, not Ottoman, Armenians in Geneva in 1887. According to Arpiarian, they established their first active cell in Constantinople in late spring 1890 (A. Kharatyan, 1989, p. 271; M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3, col. 2947), which was already neutralized by Oct. of that year. Their socialist dogma made them deeply unpopular among Ottoman Armenians, and just like their more overtly nationalist rivals, the Tashnagtsoutioun (founded in Tiflis in 1890 also by Russian Armenians), would remain fringe organizations throughout the 1890s. See R. Panossian 2006, pp. 203-210; R.G. Suny 1993, pp. 24, 74-75; S. Bdeian, 1962, p. 46-47.
For a nationalist take of Kumkapi see L. Nalbandian 1967, pp. 118-119. For a different viewpoint see M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3, col. 2947.
See M.Ş. Hanioglu, 2008, pp. 125-126; J. Strauss 2005, p. 238; E. Boyar, 2006, pp. 417-432; A. Kharatyan 1989. See especially Ch. 4 Մամուլը Աբդուլ Համիդի Բռնակալության Ժամանակաշրջանում [The Press During the Autocracy of Abdülhamid II], pp. 221-319.
See e.g. Arevelk, 16 July 1890, no. 1949; 21 July 1890, no. 1954; and 28 July 1890, no. 1960.
J. Strauss, 2005, p. 230; E. Boyar, 2006, pp. 417-432.
A. Kharatyan, 1989, p. 237.
Ibid., pp. 237, 241, 267. H. Baronian, 1995, pp. 379, 380.
Ibid., pp. 270-271. Both Arpiarian and Pashalian sympathised with the Hnchag party but rejected the public demonstrations and the violence associated with them; in 1898 they formed the liberal Reformed Hnchag Party in Alexandria, Egypt that rejected socialism. R.G. Suny, 1993, p. 84.
For a discussion of AZKASER’s review of Srabian’s Beggar see M. Roberts, 2015, pp. 131-133.
AZKASER [Ազգասէր], the nom de plume of an undetermined author means “lover of nation”.
I was allowed access to this painting in July 2014. The work is not on display and is listed as Poor Armenian Villager (Աղքատ Հայ Գիւղացի) in the National Gallery of Armenia online catalogue. I concur with Roberts’ assumption that it is the work exhibited in the 1882 exhibition.
AZKASER, Masis, no. 3197, 28 May 1882. The reviewer’s entire focus is on the output of artists from the Armenian community who readily admits that, as a non-connoisseur of the arts, his primary interest lay in the ascertainment of the position held by “Armenian art” at the exhibition. Interest primarily or solely in Armenian artists, while widespread in the Ottoman Armenian press, follows no systematic rule. A comparative study of the coverage of artists in the multilingual Ottoman press would be very useful to elucidate on the wider picture.
These are not isolated cases – for example, Arpiarian’s 1884 discussion of another Srabian painting, Manoug Aghpar, is laden with similar sentiment. See Arevelk, no. 45, 25 Feb. 1884; V.K. Davidian, 2014, p. 22.
The first painting discussed was that of two Jewish scrap sellers, “fine specimen of the Hebrew type” (հնածախներ).
In Roberts’ text the word has been inadequately translated to “wanderings”, as a result of which the phenomenon of bantkhdoutioun does not feature in her analysis.
AZKASER Painting Exhibition (Նկարահանդէս), Masis, no. 3197, 28 May 1882. Roberts only reproduces part of the text, translated by Vigen Galstyan, and which she notes was obtained from a reprint of the original Masis article in the Tiflis newspaper Ardzagank, no. 22, 18 July 1882. I have yet to identify the author behind the pen name. Also important to note is that the capitalisation of the letters of the signature merely conformed to considerations of the house style of the newspaper (where all contributors’ names were capitalised), and therefore did not signify a sentimental outburst.
Arevelk, no. 659, 15 March 1886. The Report enumerates the activities of the committee including its 233 meetings between 1880 and 1884, the types of aid (material and financial), and its accomplishments.
Arch. M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3, col. 2857, 2889.
Ibid., 1912, vol. 3, col. 2857.
Yedi Kilise.
Yanal Köyü, Soradir. Arch. M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3, col. 2857.
Other areas such as Biledjik (Bileçik), and Nicomedia were also helped, yet the emphasis was on Van and its surrounding regions.
Arch. M. Ormanian, 1912, vol. 3, col. 2857.
While providing a well-framed analysis of the text and image, Roberts offers an incomplete picture, having overlooked to consider any humanitarian and economic dimension to AZKASER’s review, and especially, to mention the 1881 famine. Ascribing a solely “political” interpretation to the reviewer is complicated by what is meant by “political”: in the absence of Armenian political or revolutionary organizations in existence in 1882 this cannot be a reference to such groups. I also disagree with Roberts’ reading of a “political” message in the reviewer’s reference to “foreigners being saddened”. Her interpretation may have arisen due to a different translation of the word երեւոյթ, which in Roberts has been mistranslated to “state of affairs” whereas it is clearly intended as “sight”. See M. Roberts, 2015, pp. 131-133.
For example, writing in 1870, Frederick Millingen notes that “In Constantinople, and throughout Turkey, the epithet of Van Ermenisi, or Armenian from Van, is equivalent to poor, or a clumsy fellow”. F. Millingen, 1870, p. 261.
Arevelk, no. 473, 31 July 1885.
S. Astourian, 2011, p. 58.
C. Clay, 1998, pp. 1, 3.
R.G. Suny, 1993, p. 65.
R. Mirak, 1983, p. 18.
From R. Mirak, 1983, p. 18.
In Roberts this has been erroneously translated as PATRIOT, while an understanding that this was the author’s signature is not made explicit, hence projecting unwarranted connotations onto the text. M. Roberts, 2015, p. 133.
According to this view Constantinople was also the centre of the nation. From this vantage point, subscribed by the liberal elites of Constantinople and Smyrna, Ottoman Armenia was a more or less distant, often abstract idea. See G. Libaridian, 2004, pp. 51-58, R. Panossian, 2006, p. 175.
A confessional community; see A. Sanjian, 1965, pp. 31-45; B. Braude, 1982, pp. 69-87.
G. Libaridian, 2004, p. 51.
G. Libaridian 2004, p. 52.
Panossian posits its best institutional incarnation as the Armenian National Constitution (Ազգային Սահմանադրութիւն, Nizamname-i Ermeniyan) of 1863. See R. Panossian, 2006, p. 175.
This started to become the dominant view from Ottoman Armenia, where the “fatherland” and hence territoriality was at the centre of the nation; after 1888 this was espoused by political parties founded by Russian Armenians: see G. Libaridian, 2004; R. Panossian, 2006.
Panossian interprets the different dynamics of this process and divides them, in an attempt at simplification, into two major linguistic and cultural and three general ideological positions. R. Panossian, 2006, p. 131.
R. Panossian, 2006, p. 175.
Dz. Derderian, 2014, p. 169.
There are two known versions, one of which is dated 1889, the other is unknown.
R. Shishmanian, 1958, p. 243.
See for example: H. Srents, The Beggar Mother (Մուրացիկ Մայրը), Arevelk, no. 2664, 16 Dec. 1892; or Parsegh Ekserdjian, The Beggar (Մուրացիկը), Arevelk, no. 2674, 26 Dec. 1892. See also E. Boyar and K. Fleet, 2010, pp. 136-139.
Translated in Roberts’ as “depredations”, which dilutes the full effect of the word.
See S. Astourian, 2011.
The Committee for Inspection and Controls (Encümen-i teftiş ve muayene) whose duties also included the scrutiny of pictures (resim, levha): J. Strauss, 2005, p. 238.
M. Roberts, 2015, p. 134.
V.K. Davidian, 2014, p. 24-47.
Tadron, 1899, book 6.
For descriptions of the town of Moush see for example Fr. Gh. Indjidjian, 1806, vol. 2, pp. 187-188; Fr. Y. Devgants, 1872-1873, p. 14; Fr. A. Devgants, 1878, p. 43. For a British traveller’s description of Moush see H.F.B. Lynch, 1901, vol. 2, pp. 167-173. The affinity between Lynch’s eye-witness description of Moush and those of the numerous Armenian visitors to the town throughout the nineteenth century is striking.
Ն. (N.), Arevelk, no. 70, 26 March 1884.
Ibid.
R. Hewsen, 2001, p. 45.
Fr. Gh. Indjidjian 1806, p. 180.
R. Hewsen, 2001, p. 45.
Ibid., p. 48.
Popularly referred to as Մշոյ Սուլթան Սուրբ Կարապետ [St. Garabed Sultan of Moush], it was dedicated to St. John the Baptist (Garabed: “the precursor”). Charles is a common mistranslation for Garabed among Armenians. I thank Levon Avdoyan for clarifying this.
R. Hewsen, 2001, pp. 43-45.
S. Bdeian, 1962, pp. 27-28, 30.
This was also true for Russian Armenian artists. Shirvanzadé complains of a glut of Mshetsis at the 1897 Fifth Caucasian Exhibition: A. Shirvanzadé, 1897, vol. 10, p. 211. A comparison of Russian Armenian and Ottoman Armenian artists’ treatment of Mshetsis is the subject for a future essay.
Vahé, Arevelk, no. 1877, 19 April 1890.
M. Roberts, 2015, p. 131.
An Ottoman corruption of “alla franca”, a style, where western forms were copied for the use of residential space, furnishings, customs and dress: F.M. Göçek, 1996, p. 41. M.Ş. Hanioğlu, 2010, p. 100.
A discussion of Ottoman photography is beyond the scope of this essay.
See for example S. Germaner and Z. İnankur, 1989 and 2008. Their thematic treatment of subjects painted by Orientalist artists does not include Ottoman weddings. The only reference made is to an engraving by Antoine-Ignace Melling A Turkish Wedding Ceremony from the series of engravings from 1819: Ibid., 2008, p. 33.
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam: https://www.rijksmuseum.nl
S. Germaner and Z. İnankur, 2002, p. 64. For a discussion of the two works see A. Sakissian, 1921, pp. 423-426. The painting’s identical size with Party of Armenians Playing Cards (1720-1737), also at the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, may hint that the two works were probably a pair.
O. Nefedova, 2009, p. 105.
See S. Germaner and Z. İnankur, 2008, p. 22. From the series under the title Recueil de cent estampes représentant différentes nations du Levant tirées sur les tableaux peints d’après nature en 1707 et 1708 par l’ordre de M. de Ferriol, ambassadeur du Roi à la Porte: Paris, 1712-1713; reprinted and translated into German, English, Spanish and Italian.
Ibid., f. 86.
Ibid., f. 87.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
Oil on canvas, 92x162 cm; when shown at the Fourth Venice Biennale in 1901 it was part of the artist’s collection. P. Lecaldano, 1959, Contents.
Gospel of Mark 5:21-43 and Luke 8:40-56 (Jairo’s daughter is about to die) and Matthew 9:18-(where the daughter is dead). I thank Haig Utidjian for his advice with the citation.
Morelli’s rendering of the tale is strikingly different, more allegorical, than those of other artists, such as Paolo Veronese (1546) or Ilya Repin (1871).
See for example H. Gasparyan, 2007.
A. Sakiz (Sakissian), 1936, pp. 86-88. Sakiz cites his source as his father, Hovhanness Paşa Sakizyan (1830-1912), a high-ranking Ottoman civil servant and Minister of the Treasury under Abdulhamid II, a student at the Mouradian School between 1846 and 1852, where Fanoli was a teacher. Sakiz Paşa also had artistic inclinations: see G. Kürkman, 2004, vol. 2, p. 730. For the role of the Mekhitarists in the recovery and construction of the Armenian past see R.G. Suny, 1993, pp. 56-57; Fr. D. Yardemian, 1987, pp. 5-29.
Arevelk, no. 676, 4 April 1886.
Ibid.
I thank Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh for helping me clarify some of the ideas around the central figure of the bride.
Taparig, Arevelk, no. 1960, 28 July 1890.
Not much is known about Yervant Kazazian. He is remembered through the reproduction of two paintings in Navasart, 1914. He is also listed as participant in the 1913 Munich Secession as “Yervant Kasasian” with one work Portratstudie (Cat. No. 158); Cat. 1913, p. 20. He may have participated in an exhibition of German art in Constantinople between 1916 and 1918 with a still life; O. Avedissian, 1959, p. 403. Kürkman, gives his date of death as 1915 (no source provided), and bases his entry on Avedissian, not Bohdjalian as suggested.
Navasart, 1914, p. 271. The other being Panos Terlemezian’s (1865-1941) well known In the Temple (National Gallery of Armenia, Yerevan).
Despite Navasart’s claim, there is some confusion whether this painting by an Ottoman Armenian artist was exhibited in the Ottoman or German Section of the Exhibition. It was listed in the German language Catalogue as Trauung. I thank Gizem Tongo for pointing this out to me.
Navasart, 1914, p. 271.
Navasart 1914, insert between pp. 248 and 249.
We are unable to comment on its colour palette or scale.
See B. Der Matossian, 2014.
The painting is listed in the National Gallery of Armenia Collection as The Reading of the Letter of the Migrant Son Received from Abroad (Պանդխտութիւնից Ստացված Որդու Նամակի Ընթերցումը). The smaller, 1898 version is reproduced in G. Kürkman as The Letter (2004, vol. 2, p. 670).
Cat. No. 72. As listed by Y. Lalayan, Artsagank, no. 123, 24 Oct. 1897; no. 124, 26 Oct. 1897.
Cat. No. 72. As listed by A. Shirvanzadé, Mourdj, no. 10, Oct. 1897, pp. 1439-1455.
Hrant, 1931.
Ibid.
See e.g. Hrant, 1931, pp. 31-33.
K. Zohrab, [1888] 1983, pp. 19-27.
D. Gamsaragan, [1892] 1978, pp. 180-184.
W.J.T. Mitchell, 1994, pp. 11-34.
R.H. Kévorkian and P.B. Paboudjian, 1992, p. 481.
“Mush [sic]: Armenian Wedding” in R. Hovannisian, 2001, p. 21.
J. Tagg, 1988, p. 1.
L. Surmelian, 1946, p. 160.
W. Benjamin, 1999, pp. 214-215.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 215.
A. Yarman, 2010.
The credit page listings include a note in small print that the cover photograph depicts a late nineteenth century Armenian wedding in the region of Moush. The provenance is given as B.Nu confirming it was scanned from R.H. Kévorkian and P.B. Paboudjian, 1992.
“Armenian Wedding in the Ottoman Empire”, http://www.genocide-museum.am/eng/online_exhibition_14.php. Accessed on 2 July 2015 and 16 Oct. 2015.
Email correspondence with Project SAVE, Watertown, Massachusetts, 11 Aug. 2015.
H.A., Arevelk, no. 2617, 14 Oct. 1892.
Ibid.
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